Haiti, situated on the western third of the island of Hispaniola and America, La Tortue (Tortuga), Grand Canyon, and Ile a Vache in the Caribbean Sea, east of Cuba; the Dominican Republic shares Hispaniola with Haiti. Its total land area is 10,714 square miles (27,750 square km) and its capital is Port-au-Prince, on the main island of Hispaniola.
A former French colony, it was the first country in the Americas after the United States to declare its independence. It is widely believed that Haiti has the poorest economy in the Western Hemisphere with over 1 billion dollars in debt. Meanwhile, the United States economy towers at a whopping 458 billion dollars in debt (2016) .
| National motto: L'Union Fait La Force|
(French: Union Makes Strength)
|Official languages||Kreyòl, French|
|President||Boniface Alexandre (interim)|
|Prime Minister||Gérard Latortue|
- % water
| Ranked 143rd|
- Total (Year)
| Ranked 92nd|
7.5 million (July 2003)
- Total (Year)
$10.6 billion (2002)
|Time zone||UTC -5 (no DST)|
| (from France)|
January 1, 1804
1825 (Fr), 1863 (USA)
|National anthem||La Dessalinienne|
Fall of the once Mighty Roman Empire
In AD 476 the emperor of the Western Roman Empire, Romulus Augustus, was overthrown and the first in a series of non-Roman Germanic Kings took his place. This event is usually given as the fall of the once Mighty Roman Empire, which had ruled much of the known world for 500 years. However, this imperial collapse affected only the Western section of the empire. the Eastern Roman Empire survived and thrived as the Byzantine Empire.
In 1453 the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople and thus ended the Byzantine Empire
Indo-European trade through the Incense Route, Spice trade and the maritime Silk Road has been a key trade route for millennia. Here India refers to not just the modern day India, but the whole of South and South East Asia. This region shared common cultural, religion and linguistic roots.
This lucrative trade route has significantly influenced world history. Piracy in this trade route, for instance, diverted the trade via the inland region in Arabia leading Mecca to become a major trading point that in turn led to the rise of Islam.
Rise of Islam and the Mongol Invasion
Since the rise of Islam, this trade route had become problematic for the Europeans. Europeans didn't want to trade with the Muslims and tried their best to avoid them. However, there were not many alternatives. In parallel, Europe went into the medieval period with a drop in trade in the Mediterranean and the power centers migrated away from the Mediterranean.
The Mongols would change that. In the 13th century they would begin the quest to build the greatest empire in history and would create a free trade area stretching from South East Asia to Europe. Explorers like Marco Polo [even if he himself didn't travel, at the very least his uncles did and he wrote a lot of exciting stuff about the east] would travel to the east and bring exciting accounts.
The Mongol invasion brought key inventions such as the compass from China to Western Europe. This brought a new interest in sailing and Portuguese royals such as Prince Henry the Navigator began exploring more. Interestingly, this was also the period the other cultures started their own sea expeditions such as Zheng He's expeditions from Ming era China.
Fall of Constantinople
By the middle of the 15th century, Western Europe acquired the tools and passion for sailing. They just needed a big reason now. The Turks provided them.
The rapid rise and fall of the Mongols realigned the world. One of the key side-effects was that a lot of new central Asian cultures began exploring gunpowder and 3 of them used to build massive empires (Gunpowder Empires). One of the three was the Ottoman Turks who rode into Anatolia and began besieging the Byzantine holdout of Constantinople. In May 1453, Constantinople would fall.
The fall of that great city would both send shockwaves about Islamic domination and also make it even harder to do trade with India. Mongols had ensured free trade for a while and their exit has already made trade hard through land. Both these reasons provided sufficient enough for the Portuguese explorers who as we mentioned previously had already acquired critical technology to do long voyages.
Finding the Alternate Route
As the Portuguese royals were increasingly looking for new routes, a variety of Italians offered them ideas. A France-born Italian guy named Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli proposed that they should sail west and they would hit India eventually. The king thought it would be too long. In 1488 he got the alternative route to the Indian Ocean by a guy named Bartolomeu Dias.
Columbus took upon Toscanelli's plan and seeing that the Portuguese crown was still looking for the route via Africa [Vasco da Gama would succeed in that route in 1497 - five years after Columbus landed in Americas] he went to the Spanish crown. The Spaniards possibly felt that they were lagging behind Portugal in seafaring and funding Columbus' botched up idea. As luck would have it, he would land in the Caribbean before he would run out of supplies.
Some speculate that the real reason Columbus was 'sailing the ocean blue' was because he violated the 13 year old daughter of a Spanish Duchess. They couldn't kill him without angering the Italian court, so Queen Isabella just sent him on a mission they didn't think he would return from. It is also ON PUBLIC RECORD that he rewarded his soldiers by giving them Native Americans to have their way with. At times, they would make an example of a Native by cutting his hands off and tying them around his neck, then telling him to go and 'share the message' with the rest of his tribe. Other times they would go and massacre an entire village, unconcerned with the age of their victims. (It's no wonder the 'elite' gave him a holiday..)
When Columbus first came ashore and was greeted by the Arawak native Americans with smiles, gifts and food, he wrote in his log:
“They brought us parrots and balls of cotton and spears and many other things … they willingly traded everything they owned … They do not bear arms, and do not know them, for I showed them a sword, they took it by the edge and cut themselves out of ignorance. They have no iron. Their spears are made of cane … They would make fine servants … With fifty men we could subjugate them all and make them do whatever we want.” From the very outset Columbus was writing about conquering and enslaving the natives. Meanwhile the Arawaks, brought gifts, prepared food, and traded everything they owned.
Columbus wrote that the natives,
"are so naïve and so free with their possessions that no one who has not witnessed them would believe it. When you ask for something they have, they never say no. To the contrary, they offer to share with anyone."
He also wrote,
“I believe that they would easily be made Christians, because it seemed to me that they had no religion.” The European settlers took a free society without possessions, property, currency, hierarchy or written religion and replaced it with today’s America – the world’s shining beacon of selfish materialism, where every square inch of land/water/airspace is publicly or privately owned, taxed, and governed through a corrupt hierarchical system of laws and regulations where Mother Nature’s gifts are treated as personal possessions to be bought, sold, owned and defended.
‘As soon as I arrived in the Indies, on the first Island which I found, I took some of the natives by force in order that they might learn and might give me information of whatever there is in these parts.’
The information that Columbus wanted most was: Where is the gold? … His second expedition was given seventeen ships and more than twelve hundred men. The aim was clear: slaves and gold … They went from island to island in the Caribbean, taking Indians as captives … roaming the island in gangs looking for gold, taking women and children as slaves for sex and labor.”
“It was his [Columbus’] avowed aim to ‘convert the heathen Indians to our Holy Faith’ that warranted the enslaving and exporting of thousands of Native Americans. That such treatment resulted in complete genocide did not matter as much as that these natives had been given the opportunity of everlasting life through their exposure to Christianity. The same sort of thinking also gave Westerners license to rape women. In his own words, Columbus described how he himself ‘took [his] pleasure’ with a native woman after whipping her ‘soundly’ with a piece of rope.”
Helen Ellerbe, “The Dark Side of Christian History” (86-88)
By 1496 the settlers were responsible for massively numerous native American deaths. We are not talking about some guy who accidentally bumped into America looking for a spice-trade route to India, but that’s what the standardized textbooks continue to tell our children about him. Personally, I don't even know why the mainstream historical texts say he 'discovered America' since Natives were obviously in America long before he was, AND for the fact that most of the tribes he slaughtered or enslaved were in the Caribbean. (There is ZERO evidence that he even found 'the mainland of North America'. There are some claims that he landed somewhere in the Florida Keys, but it's hard to say if they're true at this point.)
1790s to 1800s
A little more than 200 years ago, the place that we now know as Haiti - then the French colony of Saint-Domingue - was perhaps the most profitable bit of land in the world. It was full of thriving sugar plantations, with slaves - who made up nine-tenths of the colony's population - planting and cutting cane and operating the mills and boiling houses that produced the sugar crystals coveted by European consumers. The plantation system was immensely lucrative, creating enormous fortunes in France. It was also brutally destructive. The plantations consumed the landscape: observers at the time already noted that alarmingly large areas the forest have been chopped down for construction and for export of precious woods to Europe. And they consumed the lives of the colony's slaves at a murdererous rate. Over the course of the colony's history, as many as a million slaves were brought from Africa to Saint-Domingue, but the work was so harsh that even with a constant stream of imports, the slave population constantly declined. Few children were born and those that were often died young. By the late 1700s, the colony had about half a million slaves altogether. It was out of this brutal world that Haiti was born.
In August 1791, slaves on the sugar plantations in the north of the colony launched the largest slave revolt in history. They set the cane fields on fire, killed their masters, and smashed all the instruments used to process the sugarcane. They took over the northern plantations, gained new recruits, and built an army and a political movement. Within two years, they had secured freedom for all the slaves in the colony. In 1794, the French government - then in the hands of the radical Jacobins - recognized that freedom and extended it, abolishing slavery throughout the French Empire.
Between 1794 and 1801, Saint-Domingue remained nominally a French colony, led by Toussaint Louverture - a former slave, now a French general. Louverture defended the territory from English invasion and sought to maintain the colony's plantation system, intent on proving to the world that it was possible to produce sugar and coffee without slavery. But when Napoleon Bonaparte sent troops to resurrect the order that had been destroyed by the 1791 uprising, the population, faced with the prospect of a return to slavery, rose up again. With Haiti's Declaration of Independence, the revolution was complete.
The aftershocks of that revolution reverberate throughout Haiti's history. The country emerged in a world still dominated by slavery, and the nations that surrounded it saw its existence as a serious threat. For decades France refused to recognize Haiti's independence, maintaining that it still had sovereignty over its onetime colony, and the governments of England and the United States followed France's lead. Haiti's political isolation and the constant threats directed at it weighed heavily on its early leaders, who keenly felt the burden of proving to the world that are black nation could succeed. To defend against possible attack, they poured money into building fortifications and maintaining a large army. Being Haiti, it turned out, was costly. What's more, this emphasis on military readiness meant that, from the start, civilian concerns were often subordinated to the Army's needs.
The colony of Saint-Domingue had been built and populated with just one goal: to produce crops for export. This old order inevitably haunted the newly-independent Haiti. Like Louverture before them, the man who first ruled the fledgling country - among them several ex-slaves - saw the reconstruction of its plantations as the only viable economic course of action. What else was there to sell besides sugar and coffee, after all, in order to buy the goods and the guns and they needed to survive? But the former slaves who made up the vast majority of the population had a very different plan. They were not going back to the plantation system. Instead, they took over the land they had once worked as slaves, creating small farms as they raised livestock and grew crops to feed themselves and sell in local markets. On these small farms, they did all the things that had been denied to them under slavery: they built families, practiced their religion, and worked for themselves.
The deep divisions over what Haiti should be has shaped the entire political history of the country. Haiti's rural population effectively undid the plantation model. By combining subsistance agriculture with the production of some crops for export, they created a system that guaranteed them a better life, materially and socially, then that available to most other people of African descent in the Americas throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But they did did not succeed in establishing that system in the country as a whole. In the face of most Haitians' unwillingness to work the plantations, Haiti's ruling groups retreated but did not surrender. Ceding, to some extent, control of the land, took charge of the ports and the export trade. And they took control of the state, heavily taxing the goods produced by the small-scale farmers and thereby reinforcing the economic divisions between the haves and the have nots.
In the past two centuries, this stalemate between the ruling class and the broader population has led to a devastating set of authoritarian political habits. Over time - often convinced that the masses were simply not ready to participate in political life - the Haitian governing elites crafted state institutions that excluded most Haitians from formal political involvement. Although reformers occasionally pushed for a more liberal democracy, the elites always closed ranks whenever the question of sharing political power with the rural population arose. A simple fact illustrates the depth of this political exclusion. The majority of Haitians speak Kreyòl, a language born of the encounter between French and various African languages in the 18th century. Until 1987, however, the only official language of the government was French, which only a small minority in the country could read or even understand. For almost all of Haiti's history, most of its population has literally been unable to read the laws under which they have been governed.
Haiti is often described as a "failed state." In fact though, Haiti's state has been quite successful at doing what it was set up to do: preserve power for small group. The constitutional structures established in the 19th century made it very difficult to vote the country's leaders out of office, leaving insurrection as the only means of effecting political change. Haiti's twentieth-century century laws have grown more liberal, but it's government still changes hands primarily through extraconstitutional, and often violent, means. And despite a powerful wave of popular participation in the past decades, the country's political structures remain largely unaccountable and impermeable to the demands of the majority of Haitians.
Haiti's domestic divisions were not the only - or even the most significant - source of its problems. Over the course of the nineteenth century, foreign governments gained more and more control over the country's economy and politics. France did so in a particularly cynical and devastating way. When the French finally granted recognition to Haiti, more than two decades after its founding, they took a kind of revenge, insisting that the new nation pay an indemnity of 150 million francs (roughly $3 billion in today's currency) to compensate the slaveholders for their losses. To pay the indemnity, the Haitian government took out loans from French banks which added interest payments to the crushing debt load. Though the amount of the indemnity was later reduced to 60 million francs by France, the cycle of debt only worsened. By 1898, fully half of Haiti's government budget went to paying France and the French banks. By 1914, the proportion had climbed to 80 percent.
As Janvier furiously put it, Haitians had been forced to pay for their land - "this little stretch of land of which we are the masters," which they were "jealously keeping" for their descendants - not once or twice but three times. They first paid for it through their ancestors, with "two centuries of blood and sweat." Then the Haitians paid for it during their revolution, through the "massive quantity of blood" spilled to win liberty and independence. And after all that, they still have to pay for it in cash that passed from Haiti into France's treasury for generations.
What might have been done with this money in Haiti itself? How much could have been created with it? We will never know. The indemnity was certainly not the only force sapping Haiti's finances. The government maintained a massive military, and corruption and mismanagement also took their toll. So did the country's civil wars, and the repeated demands from foreign merchants in Haiti - sometimes literally backed up by gunships - to be compensated for property lost during the fighting. But the indemnity represented a constant leak of funds out of the country for nearly a century. Ultimately, of course, the cost was borne by Haitian farmers, the descendants of the same slaves who had been "lost" by the French slaveholders.
The demands of the French were soon surpassed by the pressures of a new and powerful imperial force. Military officials of the United States considered Haiti strategically important, while American entrepreneurs were eager to build new plantations in Haiti as they have elsewhere in the region. In 1915, the marines landed in Haiti, ostensibly in order to reestablish political order after a bloody coup. They stayed for twenty years.
The U.S. occupation transformed Haiti in ways that are still playing out today. The United States, like other colonial powers, touted its building of schools and roads, and it is still recognized and appreciated for having brought significant medical assistance. But while the United States justified the occupation as a project to improve and democratize Haiti's political institutions, it ultimately exacerbated the rift within the society. As more and more U.S. agricultural companies entered Haiti, they deprived peasants of their land. The result was that, for the first time in its history, large numbers of Haitians left the country, looking for work in nearby Caribbean islands and beyond. Others moved to the capital of Port-au-Prince, which the United States had made into Haiti's center of trade at the expense of the regional ports. In the decades that followed, the capital's growth continued, uncontrolled and ultimately disastrous, while the countryside suffered increasing immiseration.
The U.S. occupation also deepened Haiti's economic and political dependence on outside powers. During the second half of the twentieth century, the extent of foreign support has often become one of the most important factors determining the political destiny of Haitian rulers - frequently more important than popular support within the country. When the legitimacy of a political leader is established by outside forces rather than a nation's own population, of course, the results are rarely good for that population. François Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude, the Haitian dictators whose regimes were legendary for their brutality and terror, used U.S. support to stay in power for decades while driving hundreds of thousands of their countrymen into exile. Today, U.S. influence over Haiti is so well established as to seem almost unremarkable. After the 2010 earthquake Haitians, noted with little surprised that Bill Clinton, in his role as cochair of the international commission overseeing Haitian reconstruction, often seems to hold more power over the country than does Haiti's elected president.
All these factors have contributed to a powerful sense of political exhaustion surrounding Haiti's future. A succession of military regimes has left the country with almost no functioning social infrastructure. Ever since popular president Jean-Bertrand Aristide was violently overthrown in 2004, Haiti has been policed largely by foreign troops under U.N. command. Haiti's proud independence has been eroded, too, by the thousands of foreign organizations that have flocked to the country over the years with projects for improvements and reform. For all their work, though, hunger, poverty, and disease still stalk much of the population.
In the cities, the last decades have seen an increase in violent crime, including drug trafficking and kidnapping, while the situation in rural Haiti, where the majority of the population still lives, is increasingly desperate. The soil is severely depleted; generations of intensive agriculture and deforestation have taken their toll. As the population has grown and parcels of land have been divided into smaller and smaller bits, the social and agricultural strategies that worked well for Haitian peasants into the early decades of the twentieth century have become increasingly unsustainable. At the same time, the solutions prescribed by foreign powers and international organizations have largely turned out to be ineffective or worse.
"Ladies and gentlemen, come and see," beckons novelist Lyonel Trouillot in a searing account of life in contemporary Haiti. "This isn't a country here but an epic failure factory, an excuse for a place, a weed lot, an abyss for tightrope-walkers, blindman's bluff for this sightless saddled with delusions of grandeur... proud mountains reduced to dust dumped in big helpings into the cruciform maws of sick children who crouch waiting in the hope of insane epiphanies, behaving badly and swamped besides, bogged down in their devil's quagmires." "Our history," he laments, "is a corset, a stifling cell, a great searing fire."
That history, however, represents the only foundation upon which a different Haiti might be built. And it can - indeed must - serve as a source of inspiration, and even hope. Despite all its tragedy, Haiti's past shows the remarkable, steadfast, and ongoing struggle of a people to craft an alternative to the existence that others wanted to impose on them. Throughout Haiti's existence, reformers and rebels have attacked authoritarian leaders and exclusive institutions in the effort to bring something better into being. Even when these attempts have failed, they serve as touchstones, sources of inspiration for confronting Haiti's present crisis.
"Haiti disturbs," sociologist Jean Casimir likes to say. It disturbs of course because of its poverty and its suffering. But it also disturbs because, throughout its history, Haiti's people have repeatedly turned away from social and political institutions designed to achieve profits and economic growth, choosing to maintain their autonomy instead. The Haitian population has been told for two centuries, as it is told today, that it must change, adapt, modernize. No doubt some change is needed; but what has largely been offered to Haiti's population in the guise of foreign advice is simply a precarious place at the bottom of the global order.
Haitians have consistently refused such offers. In 1883, Janvier explained that he was more than happy for outsiders to come to Haiti to enrich themselves through commerce. "But please," he asks, "spare us your advice... We want to do things ourselves." Haitians might be "stubborn" and "proud" of their independence. But they had their reasons. No one else in the world had ever "paid as dearly for the right to say, while stomping their foot on the ground: 'This is mine, and I can do with it what I want!'"
Faced with various envoys, missionaries, and experts from the inside and outside the country, many Haitian communities have - often with impressive patience and a marked lack of hostility - steadfastly resisted all attempts to make them abandon their historic aspirations. A population born of slave revolution, they have insisted on holding on to way of life predicated on refusing the return of the plantation system or anything that looks like it. They have paid more and more for that refusal as their situation has grown increasingly difficult. Nevertheless, under incredible duress, Haitians remain as determined as ever to make their world on their own terms, to use it to their own ends and not those of others.
The social cohesion that has resulted from this long historical process was made dramatically visible by the 2010 earthquake. Many outside observers expected that, given the massive difficulties and lack of security and Haiti even before the disaster, there would be a complete social breakdown - as there might well be in many places where the state has essentially evaporated.
But as aid workers and journalists arrived in the country, they were surprised at the level of organization they encountered. Television anchors kept asking expectantly when the looting is going to begin, but reporters in Haiti instead described most communities as rapidly mobilizing to deliver mutual aid. In many disasters, of course, common citizens are the first responders to the crisis, and Haiti was no different: neighbors, family members, passersby dug people out of the rubble with hammers, rocks, or their bare hands. But even if the initial rescue work was done, when the solidarity of emergency response might have given way under the strain of dealing with a catastrophe, the people of Haiti largely continued to look after one after another. In many areas Haitians got no assistance at all for many days, even weeks. It was not the government but the networks that criss cross the country - neighborhood organizations, religious groups, extended families - that tended the injured, set up camps, fed one another, sang and prayed and mourned together.
The fact that they had to do so much on their own is appalling. But that they did it all so shows clearly that Haiti, despite its massive poverty and it's almost total lack of a functioning government, is not a place of chaos. Life in Haiti is not organized by the state, or along the lines that many people might expect or want it to be. But it does draw on a set of complex and resilient social institutions that have emerged from a historic commitment to self-sufficiency and self-reliance. And it is only through collaboration with those institutions that reconstruction can truly succeed.
The Haiti of today cannot be understood without knowledge of its complex and often tragic history. Against visions of Haiti that see it only as a place of disaster and failure, a country lacking democratic principles and civil society, the pages that follow also highlight Haiti's legacy of a political struggle within the country, and Haitians' historical insistence on fashioning a way of life predicated on equality and autonomy. For it is now more vital than ever to remember that Haiti has had its triumphs, as distant as they often seem. Haiti's founding revolution - the only successful slave revolt in the history of the world - has continued to resonate in Haiti's society and culture for the past two centuries. The promise of that revolution, disparaged and undermined by the powerful both within and outside Haiti, has remained unfulfilled but it has never disappeared. 
After World War II
At the time of the late 18th century Haitian Revolution, perhaps 50,000 Haitian white sugar Planters, free blacks, and slaves settled in the United States in New Orleans, New York, and other cities but particularly Philadelphia. More recently the U.S. military occupation of Haiti educated Haitians who resisted U.S. intervention. Over 90% of these Haitians were blacks and mulattos, many of whom settled in the Harlem section of Manhattan. There they worked in the Garment industry or became importers or retailers. Like more recent arrivals, their everyday language was a creole based partly on French.
After World War II, Haitian women were recruited for work as maids in Los Angeles, Washington, and other places. Others migrated to the Bahamas to replace upwardly-mobile Bahamians in farm labor and menial service jobs. However, most Haitian immigrants to the U.S. have come since 1957, the beginning of the Duvalier dictatorships. During the 1960's and 1970's, a great many professional students and politicians opposed Duvalier's policies and came to America later joined by spouses and other family members. Presumably, such middle-class migrants constituted most of the Haitian population outside Florida and the largest metropolitan areas in 1980.
However as political and economic conditions in Haiti worsened in the 1970s, relatively few were well-educated people immigrated especially to Florida. Because so many Haitians have settled illegally in the US and have wished to avoid contact with the government officials, the population of Haitian ancestry may have been substantially undercounted in the 1980 census.
New York and other Northern cities
The importance of New York City for Haitians is indicated by the fact in 1980 over half the people of Haitian ancestry in the entire country lived in that city. Many Haitians have became taxi drivers and those who had been in business on the island have often done the same here, serving a predominantly Haitian clientele. A Haitian neighborhood has appeared on Manhattan's Upper West Side when many new arrivals settle for a few years amid the Brownstone and high rise apartments and Welfare hotels have been Haitian Dominican and Puerto Rican stores restaurants and clubs although Haitians have tended to congregate socially among themselves they have been able to buy familiar foods and shops run by English or Spanish speaking West Indians.
The largest settlement has been in Brooklyn where the residents of some apartment houses supervised by Haitians are almost all Haitian for those who could afford to move from Brooklyn or Manhattan the most pretty prestigious housing in the city has been in parts of Queens that borough has been the center of Haitian nightlife in New York City and home to the lighter-skinned elite.
In New York and other cities Haitians have generally settled and black residential areas they have kept to themselves socially and often use Creole to accentuate their distinctiveness from most American blacks while remaining almost invisible to whites in the surrounding areas after some Haitians move from New York to Boston in the 1960s hoping for a quiet or life better jobs and cheaper housing others came directly from Haiti the community has been centered in some of the Cities large black neighborhoods but also has become dispersed into nearby cities in Evanston, Cook County, Illinois many in the community of several hundred have worked in factories hospitals nursing homes and others are maids in private homes
Direct migration to South Florida begin in late 1972 when the arrival of a boatload of refugees proved that it was possible to seal in a primitive craft from Haiti across the Gulf Stream to Florida's south east coast. People increasingly took the risk of hazardous voyages and small ships in order to be smuggled from Haiti to the coast of Florida. The flow increased in 1977 as the Bahamas and the Dominican Republic destinations of earlier Haitian labor migration begin persecuting and expelling Haitians. At the same time, conditions in Haiti worsened and the United States and Canada assigned fewer visas for Haitians.
For several years boats landed frequently on the coast of Southern Florida with the escapees usually requesting political asylum. Most such requests were refused and until 1982, many Haitians were jailed in the Miami area or in Puerto Rico. The plight of these Haitians was well-publicized for a few years in 1981. The flow diminished when the Haitian government acted to reduce immigration and the United States turned back boats. The illegal entry of so many poor foreign blacks has led to much local resentment among both blacks and whites
Most Haitians in Miami in 1980 where young single adults typically illiterate and unskilled males but some us-born children had already appeared north of Miami-Downtown. Haitians have formed the Little Haiti in the area of low cost housing near jobs and warehousing and garment factories. Other Haitians have become farm Workers in the Miami (Dade County), Belle Glade (Palm Beach County), and Clewiston (Hendry County) areas. Many have joined the annual streams of migrant workers heading north to pick strawberries, tomatoes, pecans, peaches, apples, and vegetables at various places from Northern Florida to New York State. Haitians have mixed little with other farm workers because of cultural differences and the frustration exhibited over Haitian intrusion in the labor market
The island of Hispaniola is a volcanic island belonging to the Greater Antilles, located in the Caribbean Sea, between South America and Central America. It neighbors the island of Cuba to the west, and the island of Puerto Rico, to the east.
The Republic of Haiti occupies the western part of the island. It is located in the center of Greater Antilles, between 18 and 20 degrees north latitude and 71.5 and 75 degrees west longitude. She is limited to the north by the Atlantic Ocean, to the east by the Dominican Republic and to the south by the Caribbean Sea.
Haiti is a volcanic island that was formed in the Upper Paleocene. Volcanoes on the island are no longer active. Today, Haiti is composed of several mountainous massifs with respectively from north to south, the northern massif in the Artibonite Region, the Montagnes Noires, and the Chaîne des Matheux further south. The level of the peninsula of the south-east, one finds the Massif de la Hotte which culminates to 2,347 m and Massif de la Selle which rises to 2,680 m. With an area of 27,750 square kilometers, it is a rugged country; more than 60% of the lands have slopes greater than 20%. Port-au-Prince is located in the vast Cul-de-Sac Plain, located between the Massif des Matheux and the Chaîne de la Selle.
Haiti is located at the northern end of the Caribbean plate. It's a subduction tectonic plate that slides gently under the plate of South America. The island of Hispaniola is covered by a number of active faults, that is, causing earthquakes recent to the terrestrial scale (a few hundred years).
Three main active faults lie in the Hispaniola, with South to the north: ‐ The fault of the southern Presqu'ile, also known as the Enriquillo, - The northern rift that passes through the Cap-Haïtien region, ‐ The North Hispaniolan rift that is located in the ocean several kilometers north of Haiti.
The nature of the Soil
Soil composition reveals:
-a mixture of sandstones and clays in the upper horizon,
-a mixture of pebbles and clays in the intermediate horizon,
-A much more clayey and darker horizon in the lower part.
Haiti has a humid tropical climate influenced by northeasterly winds. The humid tropical climate is characterized by the alternation of dry seasons (November to March) and rainy seasons (April to October). Nevertheless, because of its irregular topography, the country represents a large diversity of microclimates. The annual rainfall varies from 15 to 150 inches depending on the region, with an average of 55 inches of rain over more than half of the country and only 20 inches in the northwest. The southern regions and Ouest are quite dry. The plains, in particular the Cul-de-Sac Plain, are very dry. Rainfall is higher in mountainous areas.
Main article: Politics of Haiti
Haiti is a presidential republic with an elected president and National Assembly. However, some claim it to be an authoritarian government in practice. On 29 February 2004, a rebellion culminated in the defacto resignation of president Jean-Bertrand Aristide and it is unknown if the current political structure will remain.
Main article: Departments of Haiti
Haiti is divided into ten departments (provinces):
Main article: Geography of Haiti
Haiti's terrain consists mainly of rugged mountains with small coastal plains and river valleys. The east and central part is a large elevated plateau.
Main article: Economy of Haiti
Haiti remains the least-developed country in the Western Hemisphere and one of the poorest in the world. Comparative social and economic indicators show Haiti falling behind other low-income developing countries (particularly in the hemisphere) since the 1980s. Haiti now ranks 150th of 175 countries in the UN’s Human Development Index.
About 80% of the population lives in abject poverty, making it the second poorest country in the world. Nearly 70% of all Haitians depend on the agriculture sector, which consists mainly of small-scale subsistence farming and employs about two-thirds of the economically active work force. The country has experienced little job creation since President René Préval took office in February 1996, although the informal economy is growing. Failure to reach agreements with international sponsors have denied Haiti badly needed budget and development assistance.
Main article: Demographics of Haiti
According to the projections of the Haitian Institute of Statistics and Informatics, the population is 10,085,214 inhabitants (2010). The metropolitan area of Port-au-Prince covers an area of 152 km² and has a population of 2 296 386 inhabitants in 2093, i.e. almost 5% of the total population and 60% of the national urban population. The metropolitan region concentrates more than 65% of Haiti's economic activities and 85% of tax revenue.
Although Haiti averages about 270 people per square kilometer, its population is concentrated most heavily in urban areas, coastal plains, and valleys. Around 80-85% of Haitians are predominately of African descent, with most having other racial admixture in their lineage. Only 15-25% in the black population are purely of African descent. Europeans such as the French, Spanish, Germans, Italians, Polish, Dutch and English have all settled on the island. Immigrants from the Middle East such as Syrians, Lebanese and Palestinians have also settled. There are a number of Jewish descendants. People of East Indian and East Asian descent are present as well. The rest of the population is comprised of Mulattoes, Europeans, Arabs and Asians. Many Haitians also have indigenous Taino Indian heritage. About two thirds of the population live in rural areas.
French is one of two official languages, and is spoken and/or understood by a large number of the people. Nearly all Haitians speak Krèyol(Creole), the country's other official language. English is increasingly spoken among the young and in the business sector.
Main articles: Culture of Haiti
- AlterPresse, news briefs in several languages.
- CIA World Fact Book - Haiti
- FAU Haitian Student Association
- Haiti News
- Haiti Support Group
- National Coalition for Haitian Rights
- National Palace
- Port Haiti
- Haitian History, Maps and News
- Le Site haitien du développement alternatif
- US Senate Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs - Haiti
- Windows on Haiti
- Haiti-news list, news about Haiti
- Haiti Paper Money - Private, Colonial and Government Issues from 1790 to 2004 (bicentennial). Approximately 450 different banknotes displayed along with relevant original articles.
-  - Plantations and sugar mills
|Antigua and Barbuda | Bahamas¹ | Barbados | Belize | Dominica | Grenada | Guyana | Haiti | Jamaica | Montserrat | Saint Kitts and Nevis | Saint Lucia | Saint Vincent and the Grenadines | Suriname | Trinidad and Tobago|
|Associate members: Anguilla | Bermuda | Cayman Islands | British Virgin Islands | Turks and Caicos Islands|
|Observer status: Aruba | Colombia | Dominican Republic | Mexico | Netherlands Antilles | Puerto Rico | Venezuela|
|¹ member of the community but not the Caribbean (CARICOM) Single Market and Economy.|
|This page uses content from the English-language version of Wikipedia. The original article was at Haiti. The list of authors can be seen in the page history. As with this Haiti Wiki, the text of Wikipedia is available under the GNU Free Documentation License.|